https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IrI6U536KRg Watch and comment.   https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PzuJW0cPzJ4&t=2s Watch and summaries.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jbAtcfuYKXk&t=1s Watch and write a summary.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ks-_Mh1QhMc Watch and write a summary.  Tell me how this has to do with gendered communication.  this is the book Gendered Lives (9781285075938): Wood, Julia T.: Books do not need page numbers. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IrI6U536KRg Watch and comment. 100 words https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PzuJW0cPzJ4&t=2s Watch and summaries. 100 words https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jbAtcfuYKXk&t=1s Watch and write a summary. 100 words https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ks-_Mh1QhMc Watch and write a summary. Tell me how this has to do with gendered communication. 100 words Please read pages from book to help you with this Chapter 5 Verbal Communication Expresses Cultural Views of Gender 103 Verbal Communication Expresses Cultural Views of Gender Language is one of our most complex symbol systems. The language we learn and use both reflects and reinforces cultural views and values, including those about gender. We’ll discuss ways that language and gender are connected. Male Generic Language Excludes Women One way that language erases women is through the use of male generic language, which purports to include both women and men yet literally refers only to men. Examples of male generic language are nouns such as congressman, spokesman, mailman, and mankind, and pronouns such as he and his used to refer to both women and men. Some people think that there is no problem with male generic language and that using inclusive language is just about political correctness. Research makes it clear that inclusive language is about something far more substantial than political correctness. In a classic study (Schneider & Hacker, 1973), children were asked to select photographs for a textbook with chapters entitled ‘Urban Man’ and ‘Man in Politics’ or ‘Urban Life’ and ‘Political Behavior.’ The children almost always chose pictures of men when the titles included male generic language. When the titles did not refer only to men, the children chose more photo- graphs that portrayed both sexes. The language of the titles shaped what the children thought was appropriate to include in the chapters. Later research confirmed the finding that male generic language leads many peo- ple to assume that only males are included (Gastil, 1990; Hamilton, 1991; Switzer, 1990). In a particularly interesting study, students from first grade through college were asked to make up a story about an average student. When the instructions referred to the average student as he, only 12% of students composed a story about a female. However, when the instructions defined the average student as he or she, 42% of the stories were about females (Hyde, 1984). Because there is convincing evidence that male language is not perceived as generic, all the major dictionaries and national newspapers now have policies requiring inclusive language. In addition, new dictionaries and writing style man- uals caution against other using male generic language. Language Defines Men and Women Differently Women are frequently defined by appearance and by relationships with others, whereas men are more typically defined by activities, accomplishments, and posi- tions. For instance, coverage of women’s sports frequently focuses more on women athletes’ appearance than on their athletic skills. Commentators’ descriptions Watching Maria Sharapova play, a commentator remarked that her outfit’s ‘asymmetrical hemline was slit to the hip, adding a little sauce’ (Cassidy, 2004, p. 3B). Can you imagine such a comment about a male athlete? Another example of the emphasis placed on appearance for girls and women came from the Beijing Olympics. Based on talent, Yang Peiyi won the competition to sing ‘Ode to the Motherland’ at the opening ceremony. Officials, however, decided that although Yang Pei had the best voice, she was not attractive enough. The officials chose third grader Lin Miaoke to stand on stage and lip sync the song while Yang Pei, hidden from view, sang (Yardley, 2008). Language also reflects social views of women as passive and men as active parti- cipants in sexual activity. Have you noticed that people say, ‘He laid her,’ ‘He balled her,’ ‘He screwed her,’ ‘She got laid,’ and ‘He made love to her?’ Each of these phrases suggests that, in sexual activity, men are active, whereas women are passive. Perhaps because men are expected to be sexual initiators, inappropriate sexual initiative by men is sometimes described in language that makes it seem acceptable. For instance, why did no one challenge Arnold Schwarzenegger’s use of ‘playful’ and ‘rowdy’ to describe the multiple incidents of sexual harassment? And why did Fox news commentator Greta Van Susteren refer to Kobe Bryant’s rape trial as a ‘sex scandal’ (Morgan, 2003/2004, p. 95)? A sex scandal refers to unconventional but consensual sexual activity; rape refers to violation and violence. Verbal Communication Expresses Cultural Views of Gender 105 Our language also reflects society’s view of women as more defined by their relationships than men are. On prime-time television, even professional women are often depicted primarily in interpersonal contexts, and their appearance is highlighted (Dow & Wood, 2006). Throughout the 2008 Democratic primary con- test, commentators commented on Hillary Clinton’s appearance—she was being suggestive when she wore a v-necked top; her pantsuits were dowdy; she had crow’s feet (Mandziuk, 2008). The male contenders’ appearance was not scrutinized in the same way. Historically, women who don’t marry have been viewed with pity and referred to as spinsters or old maids (contrast this with the nonpejorative term bachelor for men). In Japan, unmarried women are called leftover and parasite single (Onishi, 1998; Retherford, Ogawa, & Matsukura, 2001). Underlining the view that women are sup- posed to marry and have children, Japan’s Health Minister Hakuo Yanagisawa referred to Japanese women as ‘birthgiving machines and devices’ (Dyer, 2007). I never considered whether my wife would take my name. I just assumed she would. I’m proud of my family, and I feel tied to who we are, and my family name represents that. I always thought it would be a great honor for a woman to have my family name. But my fiance? doesn’t feel the same way. She says she’s proud of her name, too, that it’s who she is, too. I can understand that in a way, but still it seems like she should want to take my name. She turned the tables on me by asking if I would take her name. There are a number of alternatives to the traditional ways of naming ourselves (Foss, Edson, & Linde, 2000). Some heterosexual women choose to retain their birth names when they marry. A number of men and women adopt hyphenated names, such as Johnson-Smith, to symbolize the family heritage of both partners. In some countries, such as Spain, both the mother’s and father’s family names are used to construct children’s family names. Another alternative, one less often prac- ticed so far, is renaming oneself to reflect matriarchal rather than patriarchal lineage. (The term matriarchy means ‘rule by the mothers’ and generally refers to systems of ideology, social structures, and practices that are created by women and reflect the values, priorities, and views of women as a group.) This involves changing a last name from that of the father’s family to that of the mother’s. Because that course of action, however, still reflects male lineage—that of the mother’s father—some women use their mothers’ first names to create a matrilineal last name: for example, Lynn Franklin’s daughter, Barbara, might rename herself Barbara Lynnschild. Language Shapes Awareness of Gendered Issues Naming is important. We give names to things that matter to us. We don’t bother to name what doesn’t matter (Spender, 1984a, 1984b). The power of naming is clear with sexual harassment and date rape (Wood, 2008, 2009a). For most of history, sexual harassment occurred frequently but was unnamed. Because it wasn’t named, sexual harassment was not visible, making it difficult to recognize, disci- pline, or stop. If sexual harassment was discussed at all, it was described as making advances, getting out of line, or being pushy. None of these phrases conveys the abusiveness of sexual harassment. Only when the term sexual harassment was coined was it recognized as unwanted behavior that ties sexuality to security and advancement. With recognition came efforts to redress sexual harassment. Similarly, for many years women who were raped by their dates had no socially recognized way to name what had happened to them. Until we coined the term date rape, women had to deal with their experiences without the language to define grievous violations that often had lifelong repercussions. Even today, not all women are comfortable using the term date rape to refer to nonconsensual sex with friends and dates. Drawing on its historical meaning, they associate rape with violent assault by a stranger (Harris, 2011). As our discussion suggests, language is not static. Instead, we continually change language to reflect our changing understandings of ourselves and our world. We reject terms we find objectionable (male generics), and we create new terms to define realities we think are important (sexual harassment, Ms., womanism). As we modify language, we change how we see ourselves and our world. Further, we shape meanings of our culture. Language Organizes Perceptions of Gender Two ways in which language organizes perceptions of gender are stereotyping men and women and encouraging polarized perceptions of sex and gender. A stereotype is a generalization about an entire class of phenomena based on some knowledge of some members of the class. For example, if most women you know aren’t interested in sports, you might stereotype women as uninterested in sports. This stereotype could keep you from noticing that many women engage in sports and enjoy attending athletic events. Relying on stereotypes can lead us to overlook important qualities of individuals and to perceive them only in terms of what we consider common to a general category. Many people stereotype women as emotional and weak and men as rational and strong. Stereotypes such as these can distort our perceptions. For instance, women’s arguments are sometimes dismissed as emotional when, in fact, they involve evidence and reasoning (Mapstone, 1998). Women who use assertive speech are frequently described as rude or bitchy (O’Neill & O’Reilly, 2011), whereas men who employ emotional language may be described to be wimps or weak (Rasmussen & Moley, 1986). The English language may also encourage polarized thinking, which is conceiv- ing of things as absolute opposites. Something is right or wrong; a person is male or female or masculine or feminine. Our commonly used vocabulary emphasizes all-or-none terms and thus all-or-none thinking. English includes few words that indicate degrees and increments. Queer performative theory challenges polarized language for sex, gender, and sexual orientation, claiming that the polar—or binary—terms obscure the range of genders, sexes, and sexual orientations that humans express. Our culture’s binary labels for sex, gender, and sexual orientation encourage us not to notice how much variation there is among women and among men. The polar categories of men and women erase transgendered people. Likewise, people who are inter- sexed or who do not identify with any gender don’t fit into the male-female polar- ity. Awareness of our language’s polarizing tendencies allows us to notice what dichotomous conceptions of sex and gender exclude or misrepresent. Think about naming—specifically, about naming yourself. If you are a het- erosexual woman, how important is it to you to keep your name or take your partner’s name if you marry? If you are a heterosexual man, how much do you expect (or want) your partner to change hers? What are your preferences if you are gay, lesbian, or trans? 2. Think back to your childhood games. What games did you play? Do you think the games you played affected your style of verbal communication? 3. Read several newspapers. To what extent are women and men represented differently in stories? Are women described by appearance, marital status, and family life more often than men? Are men described in terms of accom- plishments and action more than women? 4. The next time you have a conversation in which you feel that gendered rules of talk are creating misunderstandings, try to explicate your expectations to the person with whom you are talking. For instance, if you are a woman talking with a man about a problem, he might try to help by offering advice. Instead of becoming frustrated that he doesn’t focus on your feelings, say, ‘I appreciate your suggestions, but I’m not ready to think about how to fix things yet. Right now, I wish you would help me work through my feelings about this issue.’ Discuss what happens when you explain what you want from other. C H A P T E R 5 Gendered Verbal Communication 1. Dale Spender. (1984). Man-made language. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. This classic book provides strong evidence that the English language was developed more by men and represents men’s experiences better than women’s experiences. 2. Jessica Valenti. (2008). He’s a Stud, She’s a Slut, and 49 Other Double Standards Every Woman Should Know. New York: Seal Press. This is a somewhat humor- ous look at a serious issue—double standards in how behaviors are named for women and men. 3. Nora Vincent. (2006). Self-Made Man: One Woman’s Journey into Manhood and Back. New York: Viking. Nora Vincent spent a year and a half posing as a man, ‘Ned.’ As Ned, she discovered that the freedoms and privileges men enjoy come at the cost of suppressing emotions and enduring constant testing. Copyright 2015 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it. C H A P T E R 6 Gendered Nonverbal Communication To Supplement Verbal Communication Nonverbal behavior supplements verbal messages in five ways. First, nonverbal communication may repeat words, as when you say, ‘Right!’ while pointing to the right. Second, we may nonverbally contradict a verbal message. For example, you say, ‘I’m fine’ while weeping. Third, nonverbal behavior may also complement verbal communication by underlining a verbal message. The statement ‘I never want to see you again’ is more forceful if accompanied by a threatening glare. Fourth, sometimes we use nonverbal behaviors to replace verbal ones. Rather than saying, ‘I don’t know,’ you might shrug your shoulders. Finally, nonverbal com- munication may accent verbal messages, telling us which parts are important. ‘I love you’ means something different from ‘I love you’ or ‘I love you.’ To Regulate Interaction Nonverbal communication can also regulate interaction. We use body posture, eye contact, and vocal inflection to signal others that we wish to speak or that we are done speaking. There are some sex-related differences in patterns of regulating interaction. Women frequently use nonverbal communication to invite others into conversation—looking at someone who hasn’t spoken, smiling when a new person sits down in a group. Men, in general, are more likely to use nonverbal communication to hold onto the talk stage. For instance, a man who is talking avoids eye contact with others to signal he doesn’t want them to jump into the conversation. To Establish the Relationship Level of Meaning A final and particularly important function of nonverbal communication is to convey the relationship level of meaning that expresses relationships between communicators. The three primary dimensions of relationshiplevel meaning are responsiveness, liking, and power, each of which is linked to gender. Responsiveness The first dimension of the relationship level of meaning is responsiveness, which is showing attentiveness to others and interest in what they say and do. Nonverbal cues of responsiveness include inflection, eye contact, and attentive body posture. Lack of responsiveness may be signaled by yawns or averted eyes. Research shows that women generally are more responsive communicators than men. If you recall the lessons learned in gender speech communities, you’ll realize that greater responsiveness is cultivated in feminine speech communities. Social- ized to be affiliative, many women use nonverbal behaviors to indicate engagement with others, emotional involvement, and empathy. Females tend to smile more, maintain more eye contact and direct body orientation, whereas males lean for- ward, display, and adopt postures congruent with those of the persons speaking (Guerrero, 1997; Hall, 2006; Miller, 2011). Race-ethnicity interacts with gender to influence responsiveness. For instance, traditional Japanese women usually refrain from smiling in formal contexts, including weddings. The norms of Japanese culture regard smiling as indicating a lack of seriousness (Dresser, 1996). In the United States, African-American women generally don’t smile as much as Caucasian women. In general, if a white woman does not smile and maintain eye contact, others are likely to think she is angry, upset, or stuck up. Conversely, people may be suspicious of a man who smiles a lot because he is deviating from norms for masculinity. Liking A second dimension of the relationship level of meaning is liking. We use nonverbal behaviors to signal that we like or dislike others. Nonverbal cues of liking include vocal warmth, standing close to others, touching, and holding eye contact. Because most females are socialized to be nice to others and to form relationships, they tend to employ more nonverbal communication that signals liking, acceptance, and friendli- ness than do men (Miller, 2011). For instance, when conversing, two women typically stand or sit closer together and engage in more eye contact than two men. We can also use nonverbal behaviors to signal that we do not like others. A frown or glare communicates dislike, as does turning your back on someone. Power or Control The third aspect of the relationship level of meaning is power, or control. Power refers to the degree to which people are equal to, dominant over, or deferential to others. Control is exercised in conversations by those who define topics, direct con- versation, and interrupt. Although many nonverbal behaviors convey control mes- sages, three are especially important: vocal qualities, touch, and use of space. In all three categories, men generally exceed women in efforts to exert control (Major, Schmidlin, & Williams, 1990). For instance, compared with women, men tend to use greater volume and inflection to add force to their words. In addition, men generally take up more personal space than women. Nonverbal behaviors may also assert or defer when it comes to territoriality. Women generally are more likely than men to surrender their territory, or space. You can confirm this for yourself by watching people on campus and elsewhere. Notice what men and women do when walking toward each other on a sidewalk. Usually, the woman moves to one side and she often does so well in advance. Now that we have seen how nonverbal communication functions to supplement verbal communication, to regulate interaction, and to define the relationship level of meaning, we are ready to explore how it reflects and expresses cultural defini- tions of gender. Forms of Nonverbal Communication We’ll consider six forms of nonverbal communication that reflect or express gender. Artifacts An artifact is a personal object that can both express identity and influence how we see ourselves. Beginning with the pink and blue blankets used with babies in many hospitals, personal objects for children define them as feminine or mascu- line. Parents send artifactual messages through the toys they give to sons and daughters. Typically, boys are given toys that invite competition and active, rough play, whereas girls are more likely to be given toys that encourage nurturing, domestic activities, and attention to appearance (Messner, 2000a). Toy catalogues offer clear messages about cultural meanings attached to the sexes. Even in 2012, as I was writing this book, catalogues for children’s toys fea- tured pastel-colored pages titled ‘For Girls,’ with play kitchen appliances, makeup, hair accessories, and pink tutu outfits. The pages labeled ‘For Boys’ had bolder colors and showed soldiers, science equipment, swords, shields, and building sets. Researchers Sharon Lamb and Lyn Brown (2006) drew three conclusions from their survey of toy sections in stores: (1) Toys are sex-segregated—different aisles for girls’ and boys’ toys; (2) the boys’ section features action toys (Spider-Man, NEO-Shifters), whereas the girls’ section features toys that involve fashion (wigs and make up), taking care of homes (toy vacuums), and nurturing (dolls); and (3) toys for boys usually come in darker, bolder colors than do toys for girls. Toys and other artifacts have colors and many colors are associated with a specific gender. How many men do you know who have pink wallets, lime green laptops, and chartreuse watchbands? How many men do you know who wear lavender shirts and powder blue socks? Pay attention to the colors on packaging and marketing for products ranging from those for personal care (deodorants, shampoos, cologne) to those for recreation (bikes, video games, running clothes). You’ll notice that there are clear and patterned differences in how the same products are packaged for men and women. Although clothing has become less sex-distinctive than in former eras, fash- ions for women and men still differ in the world beyond college. Men’s clothes generally are not as colorful or bright as women’s, and they are designed to be more functional. Pockets in jackets and trousers allow men to carry wallets, change, keys, and miscellany. The relatively loose fit of men’s clothes and the design of men’s shoes allow them to move quickly and with assurance. Thus, men’s clothing enables activity. Women’s clothing is quite different. Reflecting social expectations of femininity, women’s clothing is designed to call attention to women’s bodies and to make them maximally attractive to viewers. Form-fitting styles, clingy materials, and revealing cuts encourage women to perform femininity and sexuality. Formal women’s clothing often has no pockets to hold wallets and keys. Further, most women’s shoes are designed to flatter legs at the cost of comfort and safety—how fast can you run in stilettos? Artifacts and what they mean depend on cultural context. This point is well made by Zainab, an international student in California, who e-mailed me a com- ment about the meaning that she, as a Muslim woman, attaches to wearing a hijab, a headscarf that many Western women regard as a symbol of the oppression of Muslim women Other artifacts communicate cultural views of women and men. Advertisements for food, homemaking, and child rearing feature women, reiterating the view of women as homemakers and mothers and the view of men as uninvolved in parent- ing. Products associated with heavy work, cars, and outdoor sports feature men (or women in seductive poses who are admiring the strong men), underlining the assumption that men are strong and daring. Also, consider the artifacts that women are encouraged to buy to meet the cultural command to be attractive: The cosmetics industry is a multimillion-dollar business in the United States. Girls and women scramble to find products to straighten, curl, color, and extend hair and products to create ‘natural-looking’ faces by covering up blemishes, coloring skin, and thickening and curling lashes. Why do girls have to look nice all the time? My boyfriend rolls out of bed and goes to class or the mall or wherever. He doesn’t have to shampoo and blow his hair or dress in clean, ironed clothes. His clothes are rumpled and his hair isn’t even combed some days. Once when I had a really bad cold, I felt so bad I didn’t do what I usually do before going out. I showered, but I didn’t do my hair or put on blush and eye shadow, and I wore workout clothes. My boyfriend told me I looked like a slob just because for once I looked like he did. Some people use artifacts to challenge existing perceptions of masculinity and femininity. For example, some men wear one or more earrings, either because they like the adornment or to signal support of people who aren’t straight. Women may wear military boots or may dress in other ways that defy conven- tional performances of femininity. As a Puerto Rican I often felt like I was always different as a child. My skin was darker and there seemed to be no Puerto Ricans in the media to make me feel more pride in my ethnicity as a child. I think it’s very sad the things we do to conform to the ideal beauty. I have a friend who is Vietnamese who hates her eyes. She is very beautiful but she would rather have the Western eyes. I have another friend who is Italian and had the large Proximity and Personal Space Proxemics refers to space and our use of it. Space is a primary means by which a culture designates who is important and who has privilege. In strongly patriarchal societies, women are not allowed to own property; thus, they are denied literal, physical space. Only in the mid-1990s did India begin to allow daughters to inherit property from parents. Consider who gets more and less space in our society. Executives have large offices, although there is little functional need for so much room. Secretaries, how- ever, are crowded into cubicles that overflow with file cabinets and computers. Generally, there is a close correlation between status and the size of a person’s home, car, office, and so forth. Who gets space and how much space they get indi- cate power. Think about the home in which you grew up. Who sat at the head of the table— the place typically associated with being head of the household? Did your father or stepfather have his own room, space, or chair? Did your mother or stepmother? Many men have private studies, workshops, or other spaces, but fewer women with families have such spaces. My students initially disagreed with this observa- tion and informed me that their mothers have spaces. When we discussed this, however, it turned out that many of their mothers’ spaces were kitchens and sew- ing rooms—places where they do things for other people. Students whose mothers had spaces for their own work in the home, reported their mothers generally used parts of other rooms (a corner in the living room) or temporary spaces (using the dining room table when it’s not needed for meals). 130 C H A P T E R 6 Gendered Nonverbal Communication Territoriality is personal space. Yet, not everyone’s territory is equally respected. People with power tend to enter the spaces of those with less power, but the con- verse is not true. In general, men go into women’s spaces more than women enter men’s spaces and more than men enter other men’s spaces. Also, men are more likely than women to challenge those who enter their territory (LePoire, Burgoon, & Parrott, 1992). Haptics (Touch) Haptics, or touch, from parents and other adults communicates different messages to boys and girls. Parents tend to touch daughters more often and more gently than they do sons, which teaches girls to expect touching from others and to view touching as an affiliative behavior. Boys are more likely to learn to associate touch- ing with control and power and not to expect nurturing touches from others. This may explain why members of female softball teams exchange more team hugs and hand piles than members of male softball teams, particularly after negative game events (Kneidinger, Maple, & Tross, 2001). A few months ago, I was out with this guy I’d been seeing for a while. We weren’t serious or anything, but we had gone out a few times. Well, we were at his place listening to music when he started coming on to me. After a while, I told him to stop because I didn’t want to go any further. He grinned and pinned my arms back and asked what I was going to do to stop him. Well, I didn’t have to, thank goodness, because he didn’t really push, but just the same I had to think there really wasn’t anything I could have done if he had. That’s always there when I’m with a guy—he could overpower me if he wanted to. Because men are generally larger and stronger than women, they tend to have more physical confidence and to be more willing to use physical force than women. Some men are unaware of how imposing their strength is, especially in relation to others who are less so. Kinesics (Facial and Body Motion) Kinesics are face and body movements. Kinesic behaviors more typical of women than men include tilting heads, smiling, and condensing their bodies to take up less space. Kinesic behaviors more typical of men than women include using large gestures, taking up space, and entering others’ territories. In combination, these genderdifferentiated patterns suggest that women’s facial and body motions gen- erally signal that they are approachable, friendly, and unassuming. In this chapter, we have seen that nonverbal communication expresses cultural views of gender. Social definitions of women as deferential, decorative, and relationship-centered are reinforced through nonverbal communication that emphasizes their appearance, limits their space, and defines them as touchable. Views of men as independent, powerful, and in control are reflected in nonverbal behaviors that accord them larger territories and greater normative rights to touch others, particularly women, and to invade their space. Consistent with how non- verbal communication defines men and women are differences in how they use it. Whereas many women embody femininity by speaking softly, condensing them- selves, yielding territory, and displaying responsive facial expressions, men are likely to command space and volume, defend their turf, and display little facial expression to keep feelings camouflaged. Recognizing the value of alternative styles of communication, both verbal and nonverbal, enables you to reflect critically on the patterns esteemed in our society. In turn, this empowers you to resist those social meanings that you find uncon- structive, to revise your own nonverbal communication to reflect the identity you want, and to work toward changing the values our society assigns to masculine and feminine modes of expression. In doing this, you participate in the processes of constructing the meanings of masculinity and femininity and the values assigned to different forms of communication. The terms following are defined in this chapter on the pages indicated, as well as in alphabetical order in the book’s glossary, which begins on page 283. The text’s companion website (http://www.cengage.com/communication/wood/gendered lives11e) also provides interactive flash cards and crossword puzzles to help you learn these terms and the concepts they represent. Purchase answer to see full attachment Tags: verbal communication Political correctness cultural views Gender Language generic language User generated content is uploaded by users for the purposes of learning and should be used following Studypool’s honor code & terms of service.