Abstract: This inquiry seeks to establish the reasons for increased human trafficking after the fall of communism in former Soviet Union states. With the collapse of the Soviet regime, post-communist states observed a rapid increase of a trafficked persons. This increase is due to an array of factors, predominately the collapse of the current economic system and the dissolution of social programs. This paper explores these economic causes, as well the rise of informal economies and crime syndicates, routes, roles of prostitution, and victim demographics. It also identifies inadequacies with the absence of enforcement at the local and international level. Keywords:EasternEurope, human trafficking, illicit commodities, prostitution, Soviet UnionOn November 23, 1989, the Berlin Wall fell to the hands of crowds of people, synonymous with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of communism. Yet, as the ‘free’ world rejoiced in the ruins, the economic and socioeconomic factors involved in a post-communist transition led to a drastic increase in human trafficking. This demise of the socialist system occurred at the same time as the mass globalized breakdown of borders and social control. Coupled with an absence of a functional legal system, the emergence of black and gray markets, and lack of anti-trafficking efforts even decades later; modern slavery rose from the ashes in former communist states and continues to dominate the region. OverviewSlaveryis no longer sanctioned anywhere in the world, yet according to the U.S. StateDepartment (2014), an estimated 600,000 to 800,000 are trafficked every year;moreover, there are 20 million victims of human trafficking worldwide that haveyet to be identified. According to S.X. Zhang’s Beyond the ‘Natasha’ Story – a critique of current research on sextrafficking (2009, 179), over thepast 15 years human trafficking has gained wide attention, but with convolutedpolicy definitions, little has been done to stem the tide of mass enslavementworldwide. Although synonymous with sex industry, there are many facets tohuman trafficking to include labor, trafficking of men and boys, and othertypes of exploitation. The enormous size of the former USSR, together with thelack of state controls over its citizens, allowed human trafficking to gounchecked after the fall of Soviet communism. StevenHook and John Spanier in American ForeignPolicy since World War II (2016, 26-27), explain that the USSR lacksnatural borders such as oceans or mountain, resulting in a vulnerability toinvasions from several directions. In such, Russia continually had to expand,quelling continual rebellions and attacks from outside forces. Additionally,according to Louise Shelly’s The Trade inPeople in the Former Soviet Union (2003, 231-232), the illegal movement ofpeople could not have occurred in the former Soviet Union states, as the borderswere tightly sealed by individuals guarding perimeters, ports and airports. Aninternal passport system ensured all citizens were registered with the police,and employment was strictly controlled by the state. Moreover, individualswithout state sanctioned employment were strictly persecuted. Withthe sudden collapse of communism, these protections disappeared almostovernight. Large scale immigration occurred through Russia from most, if notall, territories that border former USSR states, most notably from Ukraine andMoldova; all wanting to move through Western Europe to numerous places aroundthe world. Without adequate border protections, there was little done to stemthe tide of migrants. Soon, tales of success and opportunities flooded acrossthe borders as fast as migrants could cross them, with a significant number notbeing illegitimate. Smuggling vs. TraffickingAlthough thispaper focuses on trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation, thedifference between smuggling and trafficking should be noted as these terms aresomewhat convoluted. There is a fundamental difference between human smugglingand human trafficking. Louise Shelly (2003, 237-238) reiterates that bothtrafficking and smuggling result in the mistreatment of individuals acrossborders; yet smuggling is the voluntary contract that persons enter in order tobe moved across borders. The U.S. State Department (2014) describes humantrafficking as the movement of persons with the intent of committing commercialsex acts, or to subject individuals to involuntary servitude, peonage, debtbondage, or slavery.  Smuggling is sometimes referred to as ‘facilitated migration’ which involves violations of states’ sovereignty laws. In many cases, these potential migrants sign some formal or informal contract with the intent of a destination abroad, in many cases in hopes for either work or a better life. Sadly, in the majority of cases, the smuggler will subject the individual to much worse conditions as previously advertised. Although there is a consensual relationship between the smuggler and victim, make no mistake, significant human rights violations have occurred. In contrast, in human trafficking, there is no consensual relationship. Trafficking routinely involves deception, coercion, abduction, fraud, debt bondage and abuses of power. Often, there are numerous threats of violence or even use of said violence (Shelly, 2003, 238). So, in a sense, trafficking and smuggling comes down to intent on the side of the facilitator, and in most cases there is a wide swath of gray area between the two and deception on many levels.Economic FactorsThe mainachievement of Soviet Communism was egalitarianism. According to VladamirPapava in Marxist Points of View on theSoviet Communist System (1995, 29) this Marxist-Leninist ideology ensurednot only equality of income, but consistent income. Yet, as the Soviet Union boastedfree education, medical and low unemployment rates compared to their capitalistcounterparts, much of the population was still divided as more than 40 millionof its citizens lived in poverty. Moreover, the dissolution of the Soviet Unionbrought economic uncertainty. John Round and Colin Williams in Coping with the social costs of‘transition’: Everyday life in the post-soviet Russian and Ukraine (2010)explain the effects of the breakdown of these social programs after thedisbanding of the Soviet Union. The move from a socialist system to the marketsystem had devastating effects on the society and economic livelihood of its constituents.Many were left without work or wages and, combined with these newly independentstates, unable to fulfill their previous welfare promises. Additionally, hyper-inflationeradicated savings and pensions, causing many to live below subsistenceminimums.           Atthe end of the Soviet period, many women were educated and nearly fullyemployed with Marxist ideology resting on equality of both men and women. Atthe height of communism, women were viewed not as sexual objects but encouragedto be part of the working class, due to of equal access to education andsocialized healthcare. Although excluded from positions within the Partyitself, women were an integral part of society and the workforce. Yet, with thefall of communism, this ideological commitment to the equality of womenvanished. Social economic planning disappeared nearly overnight and theeconomic transitions removed a majority of the social safety nets that directlytargeted the poor, especially women. Billions of dollars left the country andmany businesses were privatized causing the legacy of full employment for womento vanish; yet, not relieving them of their financial responsibility (Shelly,2003, 232-233).  Theprivatization of businesses did not fully assisted in the rise of significantunemployment, as bureaucratic red tape was placed in front of benefit claimantsand even lower levels of unemployment benefits reflected the lack of resiliencein the economy. From 1991 to 1993, the average wage was reduced by half and lowpay became common for jobs within the state sector; moreover, once prominentpositions such as teachers, medical staff, and state bureaucrats wages were subsequentlyreduced as well (Shelly, 2003, 234). According to Lehmann and Terrell in The Ukrainian Labor Market in Transition:Evidence from a New Panel Data Set (2006), by the mid-nineties almost 10%of wages were delayed at least a month, while some went unpaid altogether. At first,many individuals continued to work in the same profession in hopes to see somepayment recommence; yet, as these wages continued to be unpaid, people wereforced to find alternative work for less pay.Compoundingthe problem of low income was the failing social protectionist systems. As timepassed, requirements for social programs increased and numbers of those receivingbenefits decreased. By the mid-nineties only 9 percent of the Russians and Ukrainianswere entitled to medical benefits (Lehmann and Terrell, 2006, 197) and 33percent of the Russians were living well below the subsistence figures(Braithwaite, 1997). Eventually, benefit amounts would became so low, it wasnot worth the time trying to obtain them. Housing was another issue, as thestate passed on repairs to the individual, evicting those unable tocollectively pay for repairs. High prices for goods and services increased,leading to the beginnings of informal economies in post-Soviet Union states(Round et al, 2008). Informal EconomiesWith the collapseof Soviet style communism and the transitioning to the market economy legalizedshadow parasitism immediately replaced the economic methods of management.Attempting to develop shadow enterprises and legalize all forms of economicmethods, black and gray markets stimulated individual labor activities andmovements of labor (Papava, 1995, 29). Informaleconomic behavior was not a new spectacle during Soviet Union Era, as access togoods and services for nominal items, such as car repair or a pressure cooker, requireda lengthy wait. As Round and Williams (2006, 185-192) explain, there was littleto buy in shops, charging people for informal services to bypass shortageswhich rose in the post-Soviet life as the economy ground to a halt. This, inturn, started the development of a network of favors to be called upon forfuture use. Moreover, with the introduction of market-style economies to theSoviet Block, the monetization of these behaviors was introduced. Suchpractices occur the world over, the difference between post-Soviet countries istheir importance to everyday life. Many of these activities had little or noillegal implication to them including teachers instructing English to rich patronsafter school hours, selling domestically grown food, or childcare and cleaning(Papava, 1995, 29). None the less, these practices were used as a copingmechanism for economic marginalization and were slowly accepted as part ofnormal society. Employerssoon tolerated such practices, believing that if they did not, it would resultin the loss of staff. It was accepted that managers would be operating theirown scheme, turning a blind eye or playing with the figures they report to thestate. In fact, employers used a number of strategies to ensure profitability.Commonly involving paying a certain percentage of payment in cash orcircumventing payroll taxes; but, also a massive system of bribes with stateofficials ensuring longevity of their contracts historically funded with statefunds (Round and Williams, 2006, 187). These networks led to the Russianproverb of, “It is better to have 100 friends, than 100 rubles.”Thesenetworks, connections and ‘friends’ became important in everyday life. In fact,they were arguably of greater importance since these informal economiessurvived the economic transition much better than traditional economies. Moreover,as these black market economies became more prevalent after the fall the USSR,as they were already an integral part of society for quite some time (Rodgerset al, 2008, 189). In the remote area of Magadan, Russia, little of the stateresources from Moscow ever made it to the far north east. Coping practices wereenacted, mainly in the domestic growing of food to ensure survival through thewinter. Establishing networks was essential for the regions livelihood, and theexpansion of the areas own trade routes were developed. Asmarkets for these corrupt systems expanded, a globalization of black marketpractices stretched with it. No longer were they limited to an extra pint ofvodka or a few grams of cheese. According to Louise Shelly’s Crime and Corruption: Enduring Problems ofPost-Soviet Development (2003) this corruption expanded to almost allreaches of both the domestic and government life within the Soviet Union; peakingwith the economic development of Russia. Soon, World Bank and IMF financetransfers never reached their targets, either diverted internally ortransferred to offshore accounts. Both capital flight and money laundering notonly deprived Russia of any possibility of investing in any type ofinfrastructure; it limited former Soviet Union states’ ability to maintain thequality of their own social service institutions, further compounding thecorruption and black market issues. Globalized Crime SyndicatesEventually, asystem of front companies, trust agreements, and other vehicles to hide wealthmaterialized. The corrupt and criminalized elite of the soviet successor stateswere the major beneficiaries of the globalized economy. Moreover, this allowedpost-Soviet organized criminals to become major players in internationalorganized crime. In fact, they acquired notoriety because of such a diversityof activities, global reach of their operations, links to network of organizedcrime groups tied by former communist states, and the sheer volume of theiractivity and goods that were smuggled back and forth. Initially involving theweapons trade and massive money laundering, many of these criminal enterprisesexpanded to a full range of illicit activities from many regions in both Europeand Asia. Inthe Far East, post-Soviet criminal organizations initially traded in naturalresources such as fish and timber as state oversight was limited. Thiseventually led to a partnership between criminal organizations with Japan, theKoreas, China and Vietnam that expanded from natural resources to drugs,weapons, and eventually human trafficking. Drug trafficking became prevalentbecause of proximity to, and former contacts with Afghanistan. This wouldeventually lead to large scale human trafficking from the Indian subcontinent,Afghanistan and Pakistan into to Western Europe. Many of those trafficked initiallythough just Russia and the Ukraine, but eventually all former Soviet states andthen European states were involved in the criminal organizations. Thesenetworks would expand and continue to be an enduring issue worldwide. Traffickersand smugglers linked internationally, allowing them to enforce their contractsacross borders regardless on their legitimacy. Individuals were unable to runfrom their agreements, and in the case of post-Soviet crime groups, often havingtheir families threatened with retaliation. Traffickers used a variety oftechniques to avoid detection, encouraging rapid communications with the use ofencoded phone conversations and encrypted email. In fact, as technology hasimproved, the means of exporting people has improved along with it (Shelly,2003, 222-224). Accordingto the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and NEXUS Institute jointpublication titles Traffickers andTrafficking: Challenges in researching human trafficker and traffickingoperations (2014, 28-29), the term ‘trafficking’ is a huge categorycovering an enormous range of characteristics. Depending on the national andcultural settings, some traffickers may be individual entrepreneurs, sophisticatedorganized crime syndicate, or just opportunistic amateur criminal organizationstrading in persons as well as other illicit commodities. Moreover, there areactors on the periphery of trafficking who are not normally categorizes astraffickers. For example, lawyers, tax consultants, financier or investors,accountant, travel guides and companions, visa/passport/border officials,corrupt public officials, nightclub owners, brothel operators, etc. Any personsinvolved in aspects of human trafficking are just a chain in a link.Transit and RoutesMapping changed after1990 in Eastern Europe, and in regards to trafficking, made it a more difficulttask to track. According to Nicole Lindstrom in Regional Sec Trafficking in the Balkans: Transnational Networks in anEnlarged Europe (2004), measuring the volume, scope, and patterns of humantrafficking is extremely difficult as traffickers are very flexible and canquickly make minor changes to routes, changes in supply and demand, or evading enforcementmeasures.  Moreover, in the 1990’s therewas also conflicts arising in Yugoslavian states. Chris Corrin’s Transitional Road for Traffic: AnalyzingTrafficking in Women from and Through Central and Eastern Europe (2005,549-551) points out that trafficking went unobserved due to mass movementtransitions for other reasons. New borders were erected through succession, regionautonomy by minorities and movement of people for reasons ranging from:‘voluntary’ mass exodus to ‘ethnic cleansing’ and forced assimilation throughmeans of military entities. Yet, this movement because of military conflict, generatingnew routes for trafficking in women as former Yugoslavian states became the newdestination for prostitutes; whereas the demand originated from military andinternational staff.Out of this, two major trafficking patterns emerged: one originating from Moldova, Romania and Ukraine through the northern routes of Romania, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia. The second route is identified through Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia and Montenegro to Italy and then onward to other Western European countries. Additionally, the smuggling in young men for sexual purposes primarily involves Iran, Iraq and Tunisia, passing through Eastern then Western European countries (Corrin, 2005, 550-551). Trafficking flows within Europe showed patterns of continuity and change as sex markets expanded. According to the International Organization for Migration’s Journey of Jeopardy: A Review of Research on trafficking in Women and Children in Europe (2002, 26-27) in some areas, law enforcement activities or political circumstance reinforced controls in other areas. Additionally, some flows of immigration took advantage of the geographical proximity of both source and destination countries such as Greece, Italy, and the Scandinavian countries from the Baltic countries. Moreover, other immigration flows are more far-reaching such as Russian and Ukrainian women, who are trafficked to more than 40 countries. Additionally, almost 75% of all women from former Soviet Union countries end up in either Western Europe or the United States, even to this day. Preferred routes were dependent on visa requirements, length of porosity of borders, links among trafficking networks, and effectiveness of law enforcement efforts. Women are normally taken across borders in groups using a combination of legal and illegal channels. Over the years, documentation is becoming increasingly more available as markets for trafficking have increased (IOM, 2002, 29). Victims and RecruitmentIn general,victims of human trafficking tend to be those of marginalized groups such asthe unemployed, homeless, prostitutes and orphans. Yet, according to YuliyaTverdova in Human Trafficking in Russianand Other Post-Soviet States (2011, 336-337) those from the former Soviet statesdiffered. Although those from the Eastern European states still resided in desperateeconomic situations, many also had college degrees. The two major explanationsfor this are that post-communist economic transition affected all levels ofsocial groups including the highly educated; little knowledge of life outsideof the Soviet Union was unknown. Due to these isolationist policies of thecommunist states, the view Western Europe countries changed from ‘evil’ to thatof economic prosperity.           Historically, women have been trafficked that same way for decades, with former Soviet states being no different. Brice De Ruyver and Kristof Van Impe in Trafficking in Women Through Poland: Analysis of the Phenomenon, Causes of Transmigration and Proposals to Tackle the Problem (2001) explain that women were typically recruited through deceptive measures, and led to believe that traveling and working abroad could result in earning large amounts of money in a short amount of time. In some cases, the incentive of marriage could result in a different life or lifestyle. Recruitment differed depending on the trafficker and the nature of the organization. Larger scale organizations tended to have semi-legal fronts which used systematized recruiting efforts such as newspapers and employment agencies, whereas small scale organizations use more informal methods. The most common recruitment methods uses deceptive job offers which range from domestic work to dancers made through advertisements, employment agencies or model agencies. Although there is widespread rumor of forced recruitment and kidnappings, in reality, less than 10% of those trafficked were forced. Moreover, there have been indications of Russian gangs using fake marriage agencies to target women for recruitment as a legitimate foundation for cross border trafficking. Additionally, there have been reports of people just outright buying people, having them delivered by their relatives (OMI, 2002, 30-33). Demographic wise, according to Oguzhan Demir and James Finckenauer’s Sex Trafficking Around the World: Victims of Sex Trafficking in Turkey: Characteristics, Motivations, and Dynamics (2010, 59-60), in general younger women and children were more likely be targeted, as they are the easiest to be exploited and levels out around the age of 25. Children are more likely to be exploited than older women in regards sexual exploitation. A study by the IOM (2002) looked at seven major European Union countries, coming to the conclusion that in many cases, trafficking in children was likely higher from families with alcoholic parents, parents with health problems, and families with authoritarian characters. This is in addition to financial and educational inequalities across the board, as almost 75% of those trafficked came from poor families abroad. Survivors of human trafficking were often threatened by the traffickers themselves, but also faced rejection by their families and communities for their involvement. Regardless of their condemnation and trauma of former trafficked individuals, many made multiple attempts to find work abroad. In many cases, the few that did escape force prostitution or bondage returned home, only to face the same conditions and lack of prospects that led those to look for work outside their country in the first place. Even those who do escape, little is done to the traffickers themselves, because of the compartmentalization nature of trafficking. Moreover, relief groups and organizations are drastically underfunded; offering only limited and temporary financial support, medical and psychological services, or legal assistance. Without the means for legal or temporary residency, a job, residence, or financial help, many have no other place to turn than back to the traffickers themselves (Tverdova, 2011, 338). Counter-Trafficking EffortsToday, it isaccepted that Russia and most of its former Soviet satellite states have a serioustrafficking problems. Lauren McCarthy in BeyondCorruption: An Assessment of Russian Law Enforcement’s Fight Against HumanTrafficking (2009, 8-12) explains that human trafficking has turned into anexhibition of transnational organized crime. Of all the reasons for the poorperformance, corruption continues top the list; yet, not the reason for lack ofenforcement. Human trafficking is a difficult crime to investigate, as it remains hidden from view. Although the victims cross sovereign borders, in many cases, law enforcement agencies cannot. Additionally, victims knowingly cross borders illegally, and are hesitant to provide information for fear of reprisal or admittance of guilt. Even if information is provided by the victims, for the information to cross borders it must use time consuming and cumbersome bureaucracy. Additionally, in the case of Russia, law enforcement personnel have been known to enrich themselves and protect their jobs rather than to protect the public. Corruption has been identified as a major factor; with protection money and free use of the prostitutes as just two of the modes that traffickers use to circumvent laws. Additionally, these trafficking syndicates routinely use bribed government officials for travel paperworkMoreover, the entire system of promotions within law enforcement organizations comes into play. Since promotions, and sometimes even employment, is based on statistics; law enforcement members tend to only take cases they know will end in convictions. Moreover, in many cases, trafficking is only identified while investigating another crime, causing issue of primacy in regards to which organization leads the investigation. In the case of more than one organization, there is little or no incentive to follow a case through by those not ultimately getting credit. Additionally, evidence shared between organizations has caused numerous issues once the crimes go to trial. Trafficking is a crime composed of many elements, each which can appear as its own standalone crime, and decisions as to who investigates are almost always in question.Issues in Defining Trafficking According to ScharieTavcer in The Trafficking of Women forSexual Exploitation: The Situation from the Republic of Moldova to WesternEurope (2006) trafficking does not occur in a vacuum and is the result of aseries of consecutive acts and circumstances involving a wide range of actors. Traffickinghas been defined differently depending on state, region, and even non-governmentagency. While some countries have specific laws targeting trafficking, othersconsider it part of some other charge. Some states regard trafficking as a human rights violation against women, only prosecuting for elements of fraud from the paperwork involved or illegal entry. Others are unable to separate trafficking and prostitution. However, when this is compounded with both a migration issue and a difference in ideology when comparted to different states, there seems to be a variety of results. Some even perceive the state as the victim as opposed the trafficked women, while others are prosecuted with crimes against prostitution, which in some cases, is not illegal. In the case of prostitution, these different practices among countries make it all more the difficult when regulation practices are combined with international protocol measures, cross border agreements, or even the vast definitions of trafficking. Some countries see trafficking as merely an organized crime issue. In terms a common unified definition of trafficking, it has yet to be agreed upon. While a majority accept the United Nations Convention and subsequent Protocol[1] definition of human trafficking; lacking is a unified mandate. Moreover, many of the actual portrayals of trafficking in the aforementioned conventions are either outdated or non-responsive to actual current trafficking strategies. Different agencies match their definition of trafficking to match their goals. Yet without a unified meaning, varying definitions between both government, agencies, and even prevention and information campaigns has led to a lack of prosecutable structure. ConclusionToday in the 21stcentury human trafficking remains immensely more profitable than any otherillicit commodity. According to Siddharth Kara in Supply and Demand: Human Trafficking in the Global Economy (2011),today’s trafficked person sell for the global weighted average of $420 USdollars, and can generate between 300 to 500 percent in annual return oninvestment. Furthermore, in terms of risk, laws against human trafficking haverelatively short prison sentences and little or no monetary penalties. Althoughthere are few legal disincentives for human trafficking, there remains thesupply side of trafficking, especially in former Soviet Union states. The samefactors which enable the crime syndicates in the first place are still embodiedin society. Factors such as poverty, lawlessness, social instability, militaryconflict, environmental disaster, corruption, and acute bias of the femalegender have only encouraged the trafficking process and numbers.Until the heavy corruption that both Russia and other former USSR states is dealt with or a unification of both ideology and law against trafficking including all parts involved, little will be done to stem the tide of this illicit commodity tied to slavery. Strategies that are normally used to combat illicit commodities cannot be used against trafficking, as a systematic government sanctioning of the flooding of markets, carries a certain moral dilemma. Until the global community establishes legal norms against trafficking or applies pressure on countries and industries that are known to promote it, little will be done. Moreover,the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR),estimated the movement of somewhere between 700,000 and 1.2 million persons toEU countries in 2015, with an estimate of 3 million projected to make the tripin 2016. Believing that all of these people are in need of asylum or from wartorn countries is naive at best. Various organizations will be using this ‘openarms’ policy as just another measure for movement of trafficked individuals.With few safeguards, measures, or screening operations; incidents like thiswill only further exasperate the issue of human trafficking issue, as it againis places on the back burner for some other social cause. With this, fewerresources will be expended in its enforcement and society will continue to turna blind eye. ReferencesBraithwaite,J. (1997). The Old and New Poor in Russia’ in Round, John and Williams, Colin.(2010). In Coping with the social costs of ‘transition’: Everyday life in thepost-Soviet Russia and Ukraine. EuropeanUrban and Regional Studies 17(2): pp 183-196. Corrin,Christ. (2005). Transitional Road for Traffic: Analyzing Trafficking in WomenFrom and Through Central and Eastern Europe. Europe-Asia Studies 57(4): pp 543-560.DeRuyver, Brice and Van Impe, Kristof. (2001). Trafficking in Women ThroughPoland: Analysis of the Phenomenon, Causes of Transmigration and Proposals toTackle the Problem. European Institutefor Crime Prevention and Control: pp 183-197.Demir,Oguzhan and Finckenauer, James (2010). Sex Trafficking Around the World:Victims of Sex Trafficking in Turkey: Characteristics, Motivations, andDynamics. Women & Criminal Justice20: pp 57-88.Hook,Steven and Spanier, John. American ForeignPolicy Since World War II. Washington DC: CQ Press. 2016.InternationalOrganization for Migration. (2002). Journeys of Jeopardy: A Review of Researchon Trafficking in Women and Children in Europe. IOM Migration Research Series, Vol 11. InternationalOrganization for Migration. (2002). Trafficking in Unaccompanied Minors to theEuropean Union: Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, The Netherlands,Spain. Found at http://www.coe.int/t/dg3/migration/archives/Source/MalagaRegConf/Trafficking_unaccompanied_minors_European_Union_en.pdf. InternationalOrganization for Migration and NEXUS Institute. Traffickers and Trafficking. Challenges in Researching Humantraffickers and Trafficking Operations. Published in Geneva, Switzerlandand Washington D.C. 2014.Kara,Siddharth.(2011). Supply and Demand: Human Trafficking in the Global Economy. Harvard International Review. pp66-71.Lehmann,H and Terrell, K. (2010). The Ukrainian Labor Market in Transition: Evidencefrom a New Panel Data Set. Journal ofComparative Economics 34: pp 195-199.Lindstrom,Nichole. (2004). Regional Sex Trafficking in the Balkans: TransnationalNetworks in an Enlarged Europe. Problemsof Post-Communism 51(3): pp 45-52.McCarthy,Lauren. (2009). Beyond Corruption: an Assessment of Russian Law Enforcement’s FightAgainst Human Trafficking. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1462842 or http://dx.d