The refugee crisis is a global problem that nearly every state isfeeling and experiencing the effects of. This massive migration is one thatsovereign states, intergovernmental organizations, existing institutions, andinternational laws and treaties are simply not equipped to handle. From aglobal standpoint, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)deals with a vast majority of the current refugee and migrant crisis’ as theyensure the 1951 Refugee Convention is honored and implemented by member states.The 1951 Refugee Convention, formally titled The Convention Relating to the Statusof Refugees is a United Nations treaty. It was ratified by 146 member statesand formally defines who qualifies as a refugee, the rights forcibly displacedindividuals are entitled to, and the obligations of the state to protect theseindividuals (UNHCR, 9). According to this treaty, a refugee is, “A person who owing to a well-founded fear ofbeing persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of aparticular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of hisnationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himselfof the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and beingoutside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of suchevents, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it..”(C.R.T.T.S.O.R., Art. 1). This treaty also ensures that states implementnon-refoulement, a core tenet of the treaty and international law stating thatrefugees cannot be returned to a state in which their life or freedom is indanger. The global refugee crisis is often times called the migrant crisis,however, refugees and migrants are incredibly different groups of people withrespect to motives and international law protections. The two terms ‘refugee’and ‘migrant’ cannot and should not be used interchangeably. This crisis is thesubject of many different prejudices as it challenges and possibly changes thecultures, environments, and familiarity of many host states and peoples. Theglobal refugee crisis challenges much more than the financial and economicbounds of the host state but also changes the face of state and internationalpolitics as a humanitarian crisis. According to the UNHCR, as of June2017, there is 65.6 million displaced individuals, 22.5 million refugees, 10million stateless people, and only 189,300 resettled refugees (UNHCR, 2017). Asstated above, the UNHCR recognizes two other categories of people other thanrefugees, they are internally displaced persons (IDP) and stateless persons.Internally displaced persons are people who have fled their homes and cities,for the same reasons as refugees, but they remain within their state. IDPs arenot entitled to the same rights and protections as refugees as they are stillwithin their state of origin and are subjected to that governments laws.Stateless persons are people who do not have a nationality so they are notentitled to any rights or protections of a state and are often deniededucation, healthcare, the right to work, and typically have no forms ofidentification. A notable example of a group of stateless people arePalestinians, as they are not recognized by Israel as citizens and Palestine isnot universally recognized as a state, leaving these people without anationality (UNHCR, 2017). As previously mentioned, ‘migrant’ and ‘refugee’cannot be used interchangeably, since migrants make the choice to move and havethe ability to return to their native state. Many migrants are classified aseconomic migrants because they migrate from their home state due to poverty,famine, natural disasters, education, and/or for better jobs and opportunities.Migrants are not entitled to any benefits or protections that refugees andasylum seekers are entitled to as they are subjected to the regular immigrationprocess of the state they desire to immigrate to. These statistics give scopeto how immensely large and prevalent the refugee crisis is across the globe.Many states cannot accommodate and provide adequate resources for the sheeramount of individuals seeking asylum. The European Union (EU) refugee crisis is a prominent international issue as many EU states cannot afford to provide asylum to the hundreds of thousands of individuals in need. The large majority of these individuals are from Syria, as the Syrian refugee crisis has become one of the most notable and problematic refugee crisis’ in recent years. The Syrian Civil War has left extreme political unrest and instability causing over 5.4 million to flee since 2011. However, the current status of the state and continuing war still leaves over 13.1 million people in need with 6.1 million displaced and 2.98 million people trapped in besieged towns (UNHCR, 2017). Given Syria’s proximity to Europe, this crisis has made international headlines as many Syrians have fled for asylum in Western Europe, attributing to the European refugee crisis. So far, Germany has provided asylum for 518,300 Syrian refugees this year, substantially the most in the EU. However, providing asylum comes at a huge cost placing an economic and political burden on the host state. The host state also can majorly compromise their internal security and safety measures depending on the motives of the refugees themselves, although corrupt motives are unlikely. These three components cumulatively contribute to the refugee crisis as many states do not have and cannot risk the resources required to intake the millions of people seeking asylum.The costs associated with resettling andproviding asylum for refugees is a staggering amount, especially in Germany’scase. By 2020, Germany is predicted to spend over 90 billion euros directlytowards supporting the incoming refugees. The German Ministry of Financepredicted that 26 billion euros would fund rent and unemployment checks, 6billion euros would fund language courses, and 5 billion euros would helprefugees find jobs (Johnson, 2016). The sheer cost to house, settle, employ,and educate refugees is astounding, especially given the struggle and financialdisparity some EU citizens face. This cost is the subject of many viewpointsthat support denying asylum seekers the right to resettle and is causing manywealthier states, as determined by their GDP, to lower their refugee intake asa cost-saving economic measure. This exact maneuver was demonstrated by theUnited Kingdom with their vote to leave the European Union in order to securetheir boarders and not be subjected to the rules and mandates the EU has setregarding refugees. The economic burden, an inherently bias term,in relation to the needs of refugees, is at the heart of neorealistinternational relations theory, as each states best interest is their primaryconcern. Although states, for example, the United Kingdom, recognize and valuethe input of non-state actors, the United Nation in this case, their ownwell-being and success in terms of military power, economic standing, andconflict come first. As theorized by neorealist Kenneth Waltz, “That would be necessary because economic capabilities cannot beseparated from the other capabilities of states…States use economic means formilitary and political ends; and military and political means for theachievement of economic interests.” (Waltz, 39). In terms of economic cost,states view themselves first and foremost despite the humanitarian compel andcompassion that non-state actors and other states advocate for. Interestingly,none of the Great Powers have intervened into the global refugee crisis becausethe economic cost would lessen their own abilities and the global refugeecrisis creates a security dilemma (Creamer, 2017). All of the Great Powersbenefit from the instability and struggle of other states which has in turn causestates to take countermeasures that decrease their power and standing withinthe international realm. The United States and the United Kingdom have bothtaken notoriously staunch and strict standpoints regarding the Syrian refugeecrisis. States like Turkey, Jordan, Germany, and Lebanon bear the grunt of therefugee crisis causing theses states to lose some economic, military, andpolitical power. From an economic standpoint, many states are acting in a neorealistfashion that prioritizes their own well-being and security over the lives ofmillions of refugees. The global refugee crisis also challenges thesocial, cultural, and religious norms of many states. A global rise in xenophobia,especially from Western Euro-American states, has viewed the refugee crisisfrom a standpoint founded in racist and imperialist narratives. This essay hasprimarily focused on the Middle Eastern refugee crisis, however, it isimportant to be noted that the global refugee crisis is also extremelyprevalent in South America (Lakhani, 2). Although racist and imperialist narrativeshave been employed throughout Western history, specifically when looking at thecolonialization of Africa and the Middle East, a new rise in these narrativesand xenophobia can be attributed to the Global War on Terror (WoT). After the9/11 Attacks in New York City, United States President George W. Bush declareda war on ‘terror’ saying, “Our enemy is a radicalnetwork of terrorists and every government that supports them.” (Bush, 2001).This war was initiated by the United States but highly involved France, theUnited Kingdom, Russia, and NATO participants against the terrorist regimesal-Qaeda, Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS/ISIL) and the Taliban. ManyWestern states rationalized and justified their actions during the WoT bypublicizing information and narratives, that were often based on exacerbated orfalse claims, that assimilated Islam and Muslims with radical terror groups.The use of fearmongering attributed to an extreme rise in Islamophobia andxenophobia because many Westerners view Islam as a religion that employs,justifies, and encourages the actions of these gruesome terrorist groups. The growth of Islamophobia has also been a central tenet tothe common idea that Christians, especially white Christians, are the mainenemy and opponent of these terror groups. This belief can be based on some ofthe terrorist attacks in Western Europe and America, however, this belief ignoresthe Arabic, often Muslim victims of these terrorist groups that far outnumberthe white victims. In fact, many of these victims are refugees that are seekingasylum from the same groups and fears many Western states fear themselves.However, it’s these states that are using their xenophobia and Islamophobia todeny victims and now refugees, asylum (Shakdam, 2016). The Syrian Civil War hasallowed for ISIS to besiege, control, and destroy numerous towns that has ledto the murder and exodus of millions of Syrian refugees. The election of UnitedStates President Donald Trump signified just how far xenophobia permeated theAmerican public and government. During his campaign and still into hispresidency, Trump advocated for a “complete shutdown of Muslims entering theUnited States” and inferred that Christians are the main objects of Muslim persecutionsand terror attacks (Deardean, 2017). These claims are easily dismissed by USNational Counter-Terrorism Center research that concluded, “Muslims havesuffered 82-97% of terrorism-related fatalities in the past 5 years.”(Deardean, 2017). False rhetoric like this has associated refugees with a falsesecurity risk that has been used to justify legislation that has diminishedtheir abilities to seek asylum because many refugees are Muslim people ofcolor. According to UN Refugee chief Filippo Grandi, “The right to asylum isbeing undermined by xenophobia as well as nationalistic and political rhetoricintent on linking refugees with security concerns and terrorism” (Schlein,2016). The mischaracterization of millions of refugees from Islamophobicand racist narratives is a product of constructivism. The internationalrelations theory of constructivism theorizes that states interests are formedby social identities, interactions, and that relations within the internationalrealm of politics is based on actors’ beliefs, perceptions, and interpretationsof others’ behaviors (Creamer, 2017). According to Constructivist AlexanderWendt, “the meanings in terms of which action is organized arise out ofinteraction” (Wendt, 403). From the beginning of the US initiated WoT and therise in Islamophobia, United States allies have adopted the same beliefs andnarratives that view refugees as a major terrorism security threat. This Islamophobicview also stems from a place of xenophobia as many Muslim people are viewed andtreated as ‘other’ in these primarily Christian and white states. As previouslymentioned regarding Germany’s refugee budget, notable opposition gainedtraction in Germany with the government funding language courses for refugees,in attempts to help them adapt to their new country. This opposition is rootedin xenophobic ideals that view foreigners as less-worthy because they cannotspeak the language. This same narrative is represented in the United States,regarding refugees that cannot speak English, as laws have gone into place thatblocked the funding of language programs (Shakdam, 2016). These ideologies,prejudices, and narratives are all products of constructivism where societalideals, perceptions, and beliefs have translated into actions on behalf ofnumerous states that mischaracterize refugees as security risks. The global refugee crisis has become a stuck pervading global issue because one solution that all states can agree and then put into action, has not been found. Of course, the issue is not as simple as finding a single solution because there is not a single cause or problem to this crisis. The simple answer would be eliminating all forms of conflict, but that day has never been seen and is improbable. The economic and financial cost of the refugee crisis is astounding and unaffordable for many states leaving refugees and states in limbo. Also, the perceived security and internal threat risk of granting asylum to refugees is another issue that plagues this crisis. For these numerous reasons and facets to the global refugee crisis, finding a global solution to this problem is an extremely complex endeavor given the sheer size and depth of this humanitarian crisis. Although finding a singlesolution may be next-to-impossible, there are numerous opportunities forchanges to be made regarding the treatment, housing, protections, and costsassociated with helping refugees. A rudimentary change needed is that allrefugees, from a policy and political standpoint, are viewed as a burden whichlimits their autonomy. This change in principle is a key component to improvingthe refugee crisis, according to renowned University of Oxford Professor of Forced Migration andInternational Affairs and UNHCR consultant Alexander Betts. Because refugeesare viewed as a burden, their worth is seen in terms of beginning economic costand their religious and cultural affiliations. This is partially why so manyrefugees live in refugee camps for an average of 5+ years instead of resettlingelsewhere (UNHCR, 2017). Refugee camps, are great in theory because theyprovide immediate shelter and basic necessities, however, they’re often locatedin desolate locations that limit refugees access to education and employment.As a whole, refugees often are not given the right to work or freedom ofmovement; both of which greatly limit an individual’s autonomy and eventuallytheir success. A solution theorized by Betts in Refuge: Transforming a Broken Refugee System, calls for states toallow refugees the right to work and the freedom of movement (Betts, 5). Bettscites Uganda as an example, because Uganda allows refugees the right to workand the freedom of movement which has stimulated and improved the economy. InUganda, 99% of refugees are successfully employed and not reliant on governmentstipends. More impressively, of the refugees that own their own business, 40%of their employees are Ugandans (Betts, 41-42). These statistics show thatrefugees have the potential to stimulate the economy and benefit society whenthey are allowed to work and provide for themselves instead of becomingdependent on government stipends. If this small change in principle of viewingrefugees as assets not burdens, was replicated throughout more nations the capabilities,desires, and success of refugees could be greatly improved. The same way inwhich constructivism explains the spread of Islamophobia and xenophobia acrosspotential host states, can explain a way in which a positive light can be shedonto refugees throughout the international sphere. Governmental systems and states functionin a very selfish and ridged manner, adhering to the beliefs and ideologiesthey deem true in order to ensure their success, just as realism theorizes.However, states are composed of much more than just theories and laws as thetrue heart of a state is the people; humans. International relation theories donot expand to encompass the nature of humanity and the common bond people haveregardless of nationality, gender, religion, socioeconomic status, etc. Governmentsand states are not businesses where the goal is sheer profit because the goalof the state is to provide for its people and cost is not always the winningfactor. The unlabeled and often invisible tenet to solving the global refugeecrisis is humanity. It was on this tenet that the 146 states ratified the 1951Refugee Convention because these states realized together that they have ashared responsibility to provide for other humans, especially the oppressed, intimes of need because every life is actually of value. Refugees are people whohave been put in absolutely treacherous and desperate situations who deservecompassion and kindness from states and people much more fortunate. WarsanShire, a Somali refugee who resettled in England wrote, “no one puts theirchildren in a boat unless the water is safer than the land.” (Evans, 4). Thisquote speaks volumes of the desperation that refugees have gone through to onlybe denied asylum as they are a ‘burden’. BibliographyBetts, A. (2013). The global governance of crisis migration. Forced Migration Review. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from http://www.fmreview.org/crisis/betts.htmlBush, G. W. (2001, September 20). President Bush Addresses the Nation. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/specials/attacked/transcripts/bushaddress_092001.htmlCreamer, C. (2017, September 18). NeoRealism I: Anarchy & Perpetual Insecurity. Lecture presented at POL 3835: International Relations in University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.Creamer, C. (2017, October 30). Constructivist Theory. Lecture presented at POL 3835: International Relations in University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.Dearden, L. (2017, January 28). Donald Trump immigration ban: Most Isis victims are Muslims despite President’s planned exemption for Christians. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/donald-trump-muslim-ban-immigration-visas-refugees-syria-iraq-terrorism-isis-attacks-most-victims-a7550936.htmlDearden, L. (2017, March 10). Germany ‘spent more than €20bn on refugees in 2016’ as crisis outstrips state budgets. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/germany-refugees-spend-20-billion-euros-2016-angela-merkel-crisis-budgets-middle-east-north-africa-a7623466.htmlUnited Nations, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (1992). Handbook on procedures and criteria for determining refugee status: under the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol relating to the status of refugees. Geneva: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.Lakhani, N. (2017). Central America’s rampant violence fuels an invisible refugee crisis. Central America’s rampant violence fuels an invisible refugee crisis.doi:10.1017/cbo9781139568135.003Schlein, L. (2016, October 03). UN: Growing Xenophobia Undermining Protection for Refugees. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from https://www.voanews.com/a/growing-xenophobia-undermining-protection-for-refugees/3534625.htmlShakdam, C. (2016, April 18). The Fascism-Industrial Complex: How Xenophobia & Nationalism Lead To War & Terror. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from http://www.mintpressnews.com/fascism-industrial-complex-xenophobia-nationalism-lead-war-terror/215494/Syria Regional Refugee Response -. (2017, December 16). Retrieved December 17, 2017, from http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/asylum.php#United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (n.d.). Syria Emergency. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/syria-emergency.htmlUnited Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (n.d.). Refugee Figures at a Glance. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/figures-at-a-glance.htmlWaltz, K. N. (2015). The Anarchic Structure of World Politics. International Politics,33-51. Retrieved December 17, 2017, from https://rd.lib.umn.edu/reservesViewer.php?reserve=166957&src=M.Wendt, A. (1995). Anarchy is What States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics (1992). International Theory,129-177. doi:10.1007/978-1-349-23773-9_7Get Help With Your AssignmentIf you need assistance with writing your assignment, our professional assignment writing service is here to help!Find out more