AbstractThe following research paper focuses on Catalonia’s desire for Independence. The study was carried out on a week-long field school in Barcelona, Northern Spain. Throughout this study, the history, culture and politics and the evolved landscape of the city was analysed. These aspects were analysed to enable us to get a vivid understanding of the conflict that has taken place in Catalonia throughout its struggle for independence. Through this analysis three main themes surfaced, these were memory, difference and separatism. The main aim of the research carried out through surveys was to answer the following question: “Will Catalonia resort to violence to achieve independence?” A mixed methods approach was used in order to get answers from participants, it was a suitable method because high quality information and opinions were established. Introduction:The history of Catalan separatism is complex. Giner (1984) has stated that “Modern Catalonia is the outcome of the unification of numerous great and intricate sets of long-term historical phenomena”. Catalonia is a member of Spain’s self-governing societies in the Northeast of the country whose history is somewhat separate from that of Spain, in that large fragments of Spain were historically ruled by the crown of Castile, authoritatively speaking barbaric Spanish, and Catalan was part of the crown of Aragon, officially speaking old Catalan. Catalonia is an area which is rich in separatism, an area which is longing for its own independence from Spain. The following paragraphs will analyse and discuss the separatism that exists in Catalonia in Barcelona. To describe separatism, one would say that itis the promotion or practice of separation of a particular assembly of peoplefrom a superior body because of factors like ethnicity, religion, or gender.  Separatism is continuously occurringthroughout Europe. A prime example of a separatist area is the region ofCatalonia within Barcelona. Catalonia, who is proud of its own identity andlanguage, is one of Spain’s wealthiest and most industrialised regions, andalso one of the most independent-minded. However, since 1714, Catalonia hasstruggled to maintain its own culture, language and territory (Mantlethought.org,2017).There are threekey events that have led to the emergence of Catalan separatism, the 1705 Warof the Spanish Succession, Catalonia’s support for rival claimant to theSpanish throne, and Franco’s Dictatorship. Archduke Charles of Austria of theHouse of Habsburg, against King Philp V from the House of Bourbon, resulted inthe suppression of its parliament and traditional liberties upon the latter’svictory (BBC News, 2017). In the 19th century there was somewhat arevival in Catalonia. At this point in its history, Catalonia was the leader ofindustrialisation within Spain and had experienced a cultural revitalisation,here commenced a movement to revive Catalan culture and language, which resultedin the rise of Catalan nationalism.After theformation of a political union with the Aragon regions in 1137, Catalonia aroseand seized extensive economic and political control through the thirteenth andfourteenth centuries. Then, in 1479 came the replacement of a single monarchyafter the unification of Aragon and Castille. These houses then amalgamated in the late fifteenth century, a periodthat also marked the deterioration of the old Catalan language.Succeedingeighteenth-century political manoeuvrings in Castile caused the Spanish War ofSuccession in which the regions in Catalonia were in support of the Austriancontender for the crown. Catalonia merged into Spain which resulted in theinhibition of its language and governance. This then lead to the appearance ofCatalonian nationalism towards the end of the nineteenth century as numerouscultural movements began to insist more recognition (Breen et al., 2016).The Commonwealthof Catalonia was first established in April 1914, and devoted a large amount offinance to infrastructure, cultural and scientific institutions. It was thensolidified in 1925. A fraction of independence was granted during secondSpanish Republic, 1931-1938 (Breen et al., 2016).In the aftermathof the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and Franco’s progression of power, theCatalan language, political organizations and cultural codes including itsanthem and flag were further suppressed. In November 1971, a large number ofcultural and political leftist protestors gathered together and established theAssembly of Catalonia, encouraging the restoration of independence andrecognition of Catalan culture and identity (Breen et al., 2016).Research ContextIt has been saidthat separatism is primarily associated with nationalism and nationalistideologies. A nation is an assembly of people who have the belief that they arecomprised of a ‘single people’ on the basis of a cultural or historicalcriteria, such as a shared language (Flint, 2017).Members of anation share common ideas about their origins and hope for a common destiny. Theypossess common national symbols including customs, language and religion, andoftentimes are unaware of the fact that their country’s narrative may be builton myths.  They are often committed to acertain territory over which they attempt to gain authority, or even thecapacity to deal with their own country’s matters. Nationalism therefore, isthe theory that each nation has the right to a state, thus having the right togovern a portion of territory. The geopolitics of nationalism has resulted inmillions of deaths as people fought to create a state for their nation anddefend their states in the name of national defence, against genuine and allegedthreats. Separatism,secession, irredentism, self-determination, independence, sub-state nationalismare many of the words that are used interchangeably to describe the conflictsthat exist between states and would be sub-state. This sort of conflict isnothing original even with the arrival of globalisation, transnationalism andthe influence of multinational associations. Separatist schemas continue to be apowerful political force and a challenge to present-day global borders. Though separatismin Catalonia is new, nationalism is not. Tensions between Spain and Cataloniahave been notoriously strained since Catalonia came under Spanish rule in 1714during the War of Spanish Succession. In the 19th century, the nationalistmovement developed and demanded greater independence for Catalonia. Themovement later dealt with the problems Catalonia faced throughout the 19th and20th centuries including the dictatorships of Miquel Primo de Rivera andFrancisco Franco. Franco’s dictatorship had a major impact on Catalonia, withtheir culture and language being suppressed, because of the practice of theCatalan language and expression of Catalan culture being prohibited. The peopleof Catalonia struggled to possess their own identity separate from Spain duringthis time. After the death of Franco in 1975, the nationalist movement beganmoving in a different direction. As the first decade of the 21st century cameto a close, the movement developed further as nationalists began demandingindependence. Tensions remain between Spain and Catalonia in relation to theuse of their own separate language and carrying on with their own culture. Manyseparatist movements follow a mostly diplomatic direction that focuses on the practiceof culture and tradition to activate support and drive onward with their ownplans (Breen et al., 2016).  It isdifficult to tell if Catalonia will take a violent route in order to reachindependence, however it was evident in our surveys that the people ofBarcelona do not think that their country will.Separatism hasalways remained a fundamental part of the character of Europe. It iscontinuously argued that separatist movements are rising in many Europeanstates, reinvigorated by a backdrop of economic crisis and politicaluncertainty (Bieri, 2014). A quantity of these separatist movements are linked withviolent campaigns for independence (e.g. the Basque Region, Corsica) whileothers including Scotland and Catalonia have followed a mainly peaceful routethat has concentrated on the use of culture and heritage to mobilise supportand drive forward separatist agendas (Breen et al,. 2016). There are thought tobe around 45 active separatist movements across 30 countries with their politicalaspirations and methodologies all being very diverse. An integrated EuropeanUnion was at one point according to Liable touted as some kind of ‘magicalelixir’ which could quieten the demands of separatist organisations and curbunrest among national minorities. Perhaps separatism is a resurgent forceacross Europe, separatism according to Bieri has been reinvigorated in part byan all-encompassing impact of the economic crisis and pervasive politicaluncertainty throughout the EU. It has been said thatseparatist movements either pursue independence within their central states orto form independent states. Separatist movements are protruding within theEuropean Union, which is now estimated to have over 40 separatist parties (EFA,2014). The most noteworthy of these movements include Scotland in the UnitedKingdom, Catalonia and the Basque Country in Spain, and Flanders in Belgium(Bieri, 2014). Separatism in the European Union appears contradictory at first,the European Union is frequently looked upon as a “post-sovereign” system and perhapsa model for globalization (Mathews, 1997). The European Union resulted from the economic and institutionalintegration of European states in the decades following World War II (Jones,2012). While the European Union isn’t a state itself, it is capable of interveningthe national laws and policymaking decisions of its member states (Krasner,2009). Under the European Union, Europe’s economy has assimilated into a singlemarket under one currency, the Euro. Despite being so highly integrated,separatist movements are not only emerging but have the potential todestabilize the European Union (Dayton, R. 2015)  Bieri has stated that separatism has been revivedin part by the all-inclusive influence of the economic crisis and prevalentpolitical ambiguity throughout the EU. Other than Catalan separatism, another sovereignty well known for their desire for independence, is Scotland. Scotland ceased to be an independent state in the early 1700s. Unique heritage, culture and civil society was not diluted by the union with England, and this is something the people of Scotland passionately wanted. Scottish nationalism as a political force did not intensify until the 1960s, with the Scottish Nationalist Party winning a by-election. The discovery of oil in the North Sea inspired nationalists to think more aggressively about separatism. Debates about devolution gained momentum during the 1990s and under a labour government the Scottish parliament was formed in 1999. 2007 elections saw the SNP make significant gains at Labour’s expense and Salmond became the First Minister. Further electoral success in 2011 led to calls for a referendum and in 2012 it was announced that a referendum would be held in 2014. This was purposely set to coincide with the 700th anniversary of the victory of Scottish forces over English invaders at the battle of Bannockburn. The result of the Scottish referendum returned a marginal victory for the No campaign. However, the advent of Brexit has once again instigated a push for independence. Catalonia, intheir fight towards independence, has developed various issues over the years.These include Language, Culture and Self -governance.Tensions overlanguage in Catalonia, particularly from an educational perspective, persevereand in recent years have been intensified. At the same time the politicalstruggle between the Catalan and the Spanish central governments has alsoincreased. Woolard and Frekko (2013) have pointed out that the present debatesresemble those of past decades, and thus one could have the notion that nothinghas changed in the sociolinguistic makeup of Catalonia (Soler-Carbonell,Gallego-Balsà and Corona, 2016).Democraticconsolidation resulted in a renewed state nationalism that saw in the last waveof territorial reforms the culmination of the autonomic model set up in 1978,and the current context of economic crisis has reinforced the debate on thenecessity of introducing recentralization policies for economic and efficiencyreasons (Keating, 2009).  Thus, after 30years of democracy and devolution the question of self-governance andself-determination remains at the centre of the political debate in Cataloniaand Spain. Thus, it is clearthat much of the separatism that now exists in Catalonia has stemmed fromhistorical grievances centred around cultural and linguistic identities. Part BMethodology:In the formationof this report, a mixed methods approachwas used which involved both quantitative and qualitative surveys being carriedout. This proved to be both a successful but challenging approach. One of themain challenges being language barriers. Although the participants werepassionate about their views, it was difficult to get sufficient informationfrom them as they had limited English. A number of people refused to respond asthey didn’t understand what was being asked of them. The interviews werecarried out over a number of different areas scattered across the city ofBarcelona. Culture within BarcelonaThe museums ofBarcelona are perhaps the best way to explore and get a better understanding ofBarcelona’s Culture. Museums became symbols of the shared social memory establishingthe ‘imagined community’ a space where the nation could present itself, toitself and to others (Anderson, 1983).   El Born Cultural Centre is a prime example ofthis. The Born Centre Cultural is now a Cultural Centre that is in “El Born”.El Born is a quarter that was part of the old Barcelona when the city wasinside the walls, it is now a significant place to visit for its historicalburden. Where we find nowadays the Born Centre Cultural, it was an old marketof iron built in the 19th Century. Some years ago, it was originallyplanned to build a new library for the city of Barcelona, and when they startedconstructing, a tercentenary ruins were found inside that floor. These were theruins of the houses and streets of the people who lived during 1700, thecentury that lived the Spanish invasion which made Catalonia to be part ofSpain until nowadays where there is a longing for independence from Catalans.El born is categorisedas a public space which aims to attract multiple audiences into a conversationabout Catalonia’s past, present and future. For an example, the centre employsa trilingual style to its exhibits and artefacts with signposting in Catalan,Spanish and English, with guide books available in French, German and Dutch. Thepolitical utilisation of external visitors is arguably just as important as themobilisation of the city’s residents (Breen et al., 2016)The cultural and emotive meaning that the people gave to this ruins must be remarked. In Catalonia, the following proverb exists: “Roda al món I torna al born” which means “Visit the world and come back home”. Ironically, the word “born” means “home” to them. This sentence, in fact is the one that is being used for the campaign about the Born Cultural Centre in order to capture the connection between the past, present and future that exists in this space. When visiting the site we were able to imagine the daily life of Spanish ascendants and, in most cases, how they earned a living.El Born Cultural Centre, taken on Tuesday, 28th March, 2017) Interior of the El Born Cultural Centre. This represents the layout of the houses in Barcelona during the 1700’s.During the visitto the El Born Cultural Centre, we carried out a survey investigating variousaspects of this very important cultural museum. The interviewees appeared to bevery passionate about the centre, saying that it attracts hundreds of visitors ona daily basis, some of them being the people of Barcelona themselves. Whenasked what the role of the cultural institution was, one interviewee repliedthat it was “to preserve the history of the succession war”. She went on to saythat “it is a real-life representation ofwhat life was like during this time, how difficult it was during the war, itshows how small our living space was and how little we had”. When askedwhether heritage plays a role in the Catalan separatist movement, she replied “Yes, it is the reason why there was a war”.Landscape within Barcelona:Landscape is the outcomeof a collective revolution of nature. It is the cultural translation of asociety on a particular portion of nature, and this translation is not onlymaterial, but also spiritual, ideological and symbolic. In this sense,landscape acts as a hub of meaning and symbolism, and produces a sense ofbelonging and a territorial identity that is predominantly strong in somenations (Nogué and Vincente,2004).  Landscapehas been described as a concept that is hugely saturated with cultural and,above all, ideological implications (Peet, 1996). The landscape can be understoodas a dynamic code of symbols that speak of the culture of the past, present andmaybe also the future. The semiotic legibility of a landscape or the ease withwhich its symbols can be decoded, can be complex to a greater or lesser degree,but is always linked to the culture that produces the symbols (Nogué andVicente, 2004). The architectureof Barcelona has clearly evolved parallel with Catalan architecture. WithinCatalonia both physical and concrete cultural heritages have been usedrepeatedly in the past to justify and promote a culturally distinct peoples andregion (Mellon, 2008). The majority of this has taken place against thebackground of Catalonia’s intervention of its place within Spain and as anaspirant autonomous region. Espelt and Benito (2005) have argued that thisprocess of heritage development emerged during a period of ‘national and culturalreawakening’ in the late nineteenth century, for example, the glamorizedphysical and visual appearance of Girona was successfully created. A similarprocess of reconstruction or re-edification took place in Barcelona. Thelandscape has changed dramatically over a period of time due to urbanreconstruction and autocratic regimes. Catalans aim was to have a differentlandscape to that of Spain’s and therefore modernization occurred. Modernizationis linked closely with urban aesthetics and beautification. Each leader set offto celebrate by political order by means of the building of urban andarchitectural settings with regards to embodying the ideology on which a newera is based and to commemorate the political achievements and purposes of hisautocratic regime (Cavalcanti, 1997). The urbancharacteristics that exist in the city along with its tourist appeal are notpurely the result of the Modernist period or a recent dramatic transformation.In fact they are the result of an extensive and riotous historic evolution. Thefollowing are the most note-worthy landscapes within Barcelona. Each uphold aremarkable and significant history, and through decoding the landscape,visitors at these sites are able to find out more about the history of thearea.Parc de la CiutadellaPerhaps the most beautiful landscape of Barcelona can be found in Parc de la Ciutadella. After a seize which lasted thirteen months, Barcelona fell to the army of King Philips V throughout the war of the Spanish Succession. In order to keep secure control over the city of Barcelona, the Bourbon king built the biggest fortress in Europe, a star-shaped citadel or ‘Ciutadella’. An enormous part of the Ribera region was destroyed in order to make room for this fortress. The neighbourhood was rebuilt thirty years later at another location as ‘Barceloneta’ (authorSTREAM, 2017).Barceloneta: A distance from the inner city lies Barceloneta. This is deceptively called the Fishermen’s Quarter, an area which was in fact born as a result of a political, military decision. It was in this area that the inhabitants of La Ribera were repositioned when their own homes were destroyed to make way for the building of Felipe V’s fortress La Ciutadella. The four cubes represent the size of homes around this shanty area. This mark of remembrance is a significant example of Barcelona preserving its history for the future generations. This residential area is now a very attractive mix of traditional and modern; washing can be seen hanging along narrow balconies, while bars and restaurants have developed the night life (Insightguides.com, 2017). The Eternal FlameAnother important example of Barcelona preserving their history is the Eternal Flame. Located on Fossar de les Moreres, it burns to commemorate those that died during the War of the Spanish Succession 1713-1714. It is a place that marks abundant symbolic importance where the mass of history takes centre stage. This monument stands as a reminder. It is of great meaning to the Catalans themselves. In the year 1989, it was the architect Carme Fiol who revealed the victims’ burial site by destroying the buildings that had stood there, and covered the whole ground with ‘brick as red as the blood that had been spilt’. This is another prime example of the Catalans preserving their history for the future. MonumentalisationThe most earliestmonumentalisation of Barcelona in the introductory decades of the twentiethcentury can be seen as a method designed to relocate the city as the capital ofthe region. The succeeding Modernista buildings of Domenech, Puig and Gaudi demonstratedthe uniquely Catalan architectural expressions of identity and aspiration.These extremely glamorized nineteenth and early twentieth century discoursesare now being displaced by more pragmatic agenda-led narratives that are beingused to justify and promote territorial conflicts where landscape and builtheritage are presented as ideological cornerstone (Breen et al., 2016). La Sagrada Familiahas been described by Hughes as Barcelona’s Eiffel Tower. It is of extremeimportance to the people of Barcelona. Despite the re-imaging of the city, itstill is the emblem of Barcelona. Gaudi’s work, including the SagradaFamilia  are all particularly resilientCatalan symbols as they were constructed during a period of great significancefor Catalonia, during which contemporary Catalan nationalist thought and praxiswas founded (Scholars-on-bilbao.info, 2016).Perhaps the most outstanding part of the landscape in Barcelona is the Barcelona Gothic Quarter. The Barcelona Gothic Quarter was re-constructed in the twentieth century. Even though historic monuments, hypothetically, refer back to past eras, in many cases they were produced recently. In Barcelona, feudal buildings were restored in a gothic style, while other historic buildings and facades were moved stone-by-stone into the area and ordinary residential houses were removed and replaced by seemingly historic buildings. As a result, the new Gothic Quarter look as if it is a space which is completely medieval but was actually re-built between 1927 and 1970. This regeneration was meant both as an example of the invention of tradition in the context of Catalan nationalism and as a way to promote the city through remarkable historic monuments (Gant, 2013).Redevelopment in Barcelona:The city ofBarcelona is an exceptional case study of many of the key themes of urbandevelopment and change. It has a large tertiary sector, its traditionalmanufacturing industries have been declining, and multinational investment hasbecome increasingly vital. The rapid development of Technical Parks forhigh-tech industry is a modern feature associated with the growth of what isbecoming known as the European ‘sun-rise’ belt, along the Mediterranean coastbetween Valencia and Northern Italy.  The motivation behindBarcelona’s physical expansion has been the growth of the economy. Remainingfactories and workshops in the Poblenou district are being changed into a zoneof new technologies (Geographyfieldwork.com, 2017). With some buildings notbeing in use, they appeared to be covered in graffiti, often expressing theperson’s views towards the government.  Political Landscape:Landscape resultsfrom the collective transformation of nature. It is the cultural translation ofa society on a particular portion of nature, and this translation is not onlymaterial, but also spiritual, ideological and symbolic. In this sense,landscape acts as a centre of meaning and symbolism, and creates a sense ofbelonging and a territorial identity that is particularly strong in somenations.  It was proven from theobservations made throughout the field study that landscape, understood as thecultural prognosis of a society on a certain space, develops into a fundamentalelement in the creation process of a national identity, in our case the Catalanidentity, both in its late 19th century origins and in its present-day form (Nogué and Vicente, 2004).It has been notedthat the landscape of Catalonia was to play an important role in the buildingof Catalan nationalist ideology. At the height of the nationalist Renaixenca,Catalonia was delicate to the new aesthetic and symbolic gratitude to landscape,especially mountainous landscape, which was sweeping the rest of Europe. Themountain therefore, became a key figure among Catalan nationalist symbols, partof the “essential landscape” (Nogué and Vincente, 2004).It has to be saidthat the dominant cultural symbols that are scattered throughout the city ofBarcelona are flags. But to the people of Barcelona, these are more than just aflag. These are representation of what they desire – to remain a united countryor an independent Barcelona, a representation of whether they want to remain inthe present or progress to a future where Barcelona becomes an independentstate from Spain. In Catalonia, the burning of a flag is seen as an offence andoftentimes results in imprisonment.Overall, in the city of Barcelona, in terms of single flags displayed, the dominant symbol numerically was the Catalan flag. The Barcelona flag, though numerically second, nevertheless registered a significant presence. A considerable number of balconies displayed both, and the Olympic flag was often added, while a small n umber incorporated the Spanish flag as well. The distribution in the metropolitan area covering the total conurbation of about four and a half million people is more difficult to measure. In both the city and the studied area the nature of displays varied with the character of the district. Where Castillian was the predominant language, that is, in working-class barrios populated mostly by immigrants from the rest of Spain and where socialist sympathies were stronger, Barcelona flags tended to predominate, whereas in the more middle class districts like Gracia, nearer the centre, the flags were overwhelmingly Catalan, with a good proportion of these in this particular case being ‘indepencia’ flags.Grievance Diagram:The 7 coregrievances that are included in the following diagram are:Government PoliticsEconomic CrisisLanguageCultureIdentityMedia Grievance Core Diagram for Barcelona, it represents the main grievances of the city and it is clear that the most part of these are linked to the divide in political views amongst the people of BarcelonaQualitative SurveyThe first surveycarried out on the field work was a qualitative survey, which aimed toestablish what fraction of the population wanted independence and whatremaining number did not want independence, and whether or not they thoughtthat their country would resort to violence in order to achieve it. From thesurveys carried out, 50.58% said yes and 41.27% said no. The remaining 8.14%were unsure.Social VulnerabilityThe second surveythat was carried out was the social vulnerability survey, it was carried out tofind out what parts of the structure of Barcelona are under threat or at risk.This was completed under the following headings:SocialEconomic Environment Governance Future threats The aim of thesurvey was to establish what parts of Catalonia’s social structure was most atrisk.Social Vulnerability DiagramSummary of Findings from the Social Vulnerability Survey:From our analysisof the results from the survey, it was clear that there is a clear difficultywith governance within Catalonia. This can be explained by the struggle of thestate to receive legal and financial autonomy. Furthermore, it is clear fromthe diagram that socially, Barcelona is not at risk. It can be said that intimes of crisis, communities come together again as there is an obviousdecrease in social cohesion. It is evident from the diagram that politics isthe most at risk, so it is essential that steps are taken so as not to increasethe vulnerability of the state, and to avoid all potential conflict triggers. The following is a list of potentialconflict triggers: Further suppression ofidentity.A continuance in theunequal distribution of wealth.Negative perceptionsdisplayed through the Media.In terms of lessening social tension inCatalonia, it would be suggested that:The government addresstheir financial issues and perhaps restructure their economy.Encourage the media tobecome more open minded so as not to create negative perceptions of Catalans.Currently the dialogueused within Catalonia is conflicted, it is suggested that they change thisdialogue, aiming it at resolution.Toconclude, the main hypothesis of this research was “Catalonia will not resortto violence to achieve independence”. From the research carried out over thefield study in Barcelona, it can certainly be said that they will not resort toviolence. From our observations and surveys, it was evident that in the future,Catalonia will experience stability and will no longer experience pressure fromthe Spanish state over its own affairs. In my opinion, if it strengthens itsforeign affairs and strengthens its already growing economic output then itwill transform into a strong, viable state, one that does not need to resort toviolence to achieve independence. If Catalonia was to build upon its strengthas a separate part of Spain, perhaps in the future it will gain theindependence it has always been passionate about.Bibliography Anderson, B.(1983) in Breen, C., McDowell, S., Reid, G. and Forsythe, W. (2016). Heritageand separatism in Barcelona: the case of El Born Cultural Centre. InternationalJournal of Heritage Studies, 22(6), pp.434-445.authorSTREAM.(2017). 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